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The Dawah Movements and Sufi Tariqat :April 23, 2009 Muhammed Haron Department of Theology & Religious Studies Abstract Much has been written to date about Islam in Southern Africa
(Amara 2001, Tayob 1999, Mandivenga 1991) and more particularly about Indeed, during the last three decades of the 20th century the Tabligh Jama’at (Moosa 1997) and dawah movements such as the Africa Muslim Agency and Islamic Dawah Movement of South Africa have dominated dawah activities in the region. These movements have no doubt made valuable and significant contributions towards the conversion and spread of Islamic dawah; thus making South(ern) Africa an important part of the global force that has to be reckoned with. Alongside these late 20th century developments, there has also been the mushrooming of Sufi Tariqas in the region’s major cities. This development, to some degree, resulted in the competing for spiritual space. And as far as could be ascertained, these Tariqas have been pretty successful in gaining support from individuals who come from all walks of life and somehow attracting individuals who were involved in the Dawah movements. The paper thus intends to first offer a paint-brush picture
of Islam in the region. Thereafter it wishes to take a cursory look at the
various efforts in Dawah such as the International Propagation Islamic Centre
in Key words: Dawah, Sufism, Movements, Islam, 0. Introduction: Religious resurgence across the globe has attracted interest from a variety of persons and groups. Amongst them have been a coterie of academics such as Appleby and his team of scholars who investigated the ‘religious fundamentalism’ phenomenon in the 1990s. The African continent was not left out of his teams’ survey since ‘religion and politics’ have been associated with one another on this (forsaken) continent throughout the 20th century. An array of scholars spanning from the early 20th century into the new millennium has given attention to religion on African continent; some studied the art, others looked at the variety of rituals, and a few others concentrated on the mystical elements and practices amongst the Africans. In the latter category, there have been a sizeable number of scholars such as B.G. Martin, P. Clarke, C. Stewart, D. Westerlund, and K. Vikor who have turned their attention to the phenomenon of Sufism. Indeed Sufism, and of late Dawah Movements, has been the
subject of numerous studies because of its impact and influence on many African
societies and communities. Vikor’s survey of the Sufi orders in many parts of
the continent clearly demonstrates the vast networks established by them over
the decades from as early as the 17th century[i][1]. Individuals such as Vikor
have however not entered the Southern African part of the continent to assess
the vibrancy of these orders. Perhaps the reason for this is that these orders
generally reflected a conservative and an apolitical agenda that was unlike
their counterparts in North, West or But with the onset of the process of globalisation and the
connections being forged by the various orders with their co-religionists in
other parts of the world, scholars have showed an eagerness to study these
trans-continental networks and inter-continental developments. They have been
concerned with the spread of ‘religious fundamentalism’ that has rocked the
world during the past few years. The tragic bombings during 1999 in Although this study does not intend to undertake an
investigative study, it wishes to record the emergence of these movements and
orders during the final three decades of the 20th century. The article
therefore intends to briefly sketch the growth of Islam in 1. Movements and orders: Definitions and Explanations In Tayob’s important study of Islamic Resurgence in He argued that the idea of power relations is ‘inherent in the conflicting Muslim visions of Islam.’ And he extended his argument stating that ‘religious knowledge,’ which is inextricably tied to the notion of power, plays a crucial role in determining, authorising, admitting and excluding individuals or groups depending upon his/her or their perspectives and interpretation of Islam. Tayob drew upon the contributions of individuals such as Qutb and Shariati who had lived and interacted with the West to devise this modern Islamic paradigm, and concretely concluded that different historical contexts and figures shaped it. He pointed out that the exclusive focus of this paradigm was on the prophetic model, particularly the socio-political dimensions of the prophetic ideal. And he also mentioned that this paradigm sought to redefine and reformulate the meaning and significance of the institutional structures in society. Contemporary Dawah movements and Sufi orders have undoubtedly been amongst those groups who have redefined and reformulated some of the social institutions. Now that these groups have been placed within their specific theoretical paradigm, it would be helpful to briefly define the terms ‘movement’ and ‘order’ respectively. The term ‘movement,’ according to the one definition as contained in the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, refers to ‘a group of people who shares the same ideas or aims’[iii][3]. According to scholars of Sociology of Religion, namely Stark and Bainbridge, religious movements – of which Dawah movements form an integral part – may be viewed as a subcategory of social movements[iv][4]. The primary purpose of the latter, they argued, is to cause or prevent social change, and that of the former is ‘to cause or prevent change in systems of beliefs, value symbols, practices or institutions concerned with providing supernatural compensators.’ The term ‘movements,’ Saliba stated, is a more functional and appropriate term because it encompasses the ideas of transition, transformation and change[v][5]. And since movements initiate and bring about internal and external transformations and changes, the term is quite apt and useful. However, religious movements do differ from other subcategories such as sects and cults; these groups usually militate against the environment and, at times, break away from the societies and communities within which they had emerged; examples of these are plentiful within the house of Islam. It might be instructive, at this juncture, to bring into the discussion the understanding of Edmund Burke III. He, in his interpretive article entitled ‘Islam and Social Movements: Methodological Reflections,’ raised two very simple questions, namely ‘Is it Islamic political movements? Or ‘social movements in Islamic societies?’ He posed these questions and linked them to the paradigm shifts that have taken place over the past few years in the academia[vi][6]. Defining the type of movement is an important issue because both might operate in the Muslim heartlands but they follow differing principles and have a different set of goals. One may however respond by stating that a religious movement is a type of social movement that is mainly concerned with aspects of religion. The members’ beliefs or ideologies are the major ingredients of this movement whereas the social movements may have non-religious ingredients because of their goals. Shifting to the term ‘order,’ it has been defined in the afore-mentioned dictionary as ‘a group of persons such as monks and nuns living in a religious community.’ Here the views of Vikor may be of interest since he was concerned with the term ‘order.’ The word ‘tariqah,’ he stated, was either translated as ‘order’ or ‘brotherhood’[vii][7]. However, it means a ‘way’ or a ‘method,’ which assists one to reach a religious experience. Via this an organizational framework was constructed in order to transmit and practice this method. He made the point that whilst tariqah-ways can do without brotherhoods, tariqah-brotherhoods cannot do without ways. And since the latter is more widespread, the brotherhoods acquired a function beyond the ways in different parts of the African continent; many of them were transformed into socio-political and economic actors. 2. Backdrop – Islam’s presence in Contemporary Southern Africa Moving from the western part of the continent to the eastern part, one is struck and fascinated by the variety of beliefs, cultures, and practices that it accommodates. Peoples of different creeds live alongside one another; African traditional religionists find themselves next to families who are either Muslims or Christians. Mazrui’s famous The Africans: A Triple Heritage beautifully illustrated these stories in his widely seen video footage[viii][8]. This was further borne out in the late 1990s by Professor Henry Louis Gates’ observations and video footage during his epic journey around the continent[ix][9]. It cannot be denied that Muslims have been part of this continent for generations and indeed centuries; some have reflected syncretistic tendencies and others opted for purist customs. Even though Muslims came onto the African soil many centuries
ago, Islam found a foothold by the mid 17th century. Ironically, Muslims came
as slaves and later as traders to inhabit the Southern African region with the
colonialists. When the latter began to make inroads and headway into the
region, Muslims were brought from other parts of the world to serve the
colonial masters[x][10]. However, These individuals and pockets of Muslims owe their presence
to the early Muslim traders and also in a sense to the colonialists who brought
some of them to this region either as slaves or to work on the plantations;
there were of course some who came as free traders, which was however a fairly
late development. Since the early 20th century Muslims established themselves
in various parts of the region and pursued their profession as craftsmen or
shopkeepers. In the process of earning a living and accumulating wealth, some
of the philanthropists amongst them laid the foundations for the construction
of mosques in the major cities of the region. It is therefore not uncommon to
find places of worship in Many of the communities moreover were able to establish
mosques and madaris after they were able to form functional Muslim
organizations that pursued these objectives. Thus one finds for example that in
3. Muslim Movements in Many movements have emerged during since mid 20th century
amongst the different communities in the various states; some of which had by
then not as yet become independent. Most of the Southern African states only
became independent from the 1960s onwards. According to the research of
scholars such as Madivenga, Amanze, and Bone many Muslim organizations were
established during the last three decades of the 20th century in 3.1 Dawah Movements The Dawah Movement may be categorised into two; the first group belongs to those who have specifically targeted the propagation of Islam to non-Muslims, and the second group belongs to those who have been attempting to only target the Muslims particularly the ‘lapsed’ Muslims. In fact, the two groups differ much in their objectives and activities. However, they share a common aim and that is to propagate Islam. The Tabligh Jama‘at that fits into the second category will be dealt with later and the others will form the first part of this section. 3.1.1 Islamic Propagation Centre[xix][19] The IPC came about after Ahmad Deedat was giving classes to
adults who attended the Between 1957 until 1980 Deedat and his support group
confined their teachings to the Southern African region. Whenever he held public
debates the halls were packed. Muslim crowds were generally attracted to his
harsh method of debate; they argue that the missionaries employ similar tactics
to spread ‘The Word.’ However, there were those who disagreed with his methods.
They averred that his way of doing dawah was not totally in line with the
prophetic method. During the 1980s after Deedat disparaged the beliefs of the
Hindus, he was verbally attacked from numerous quarters. Despite the
criticisms, he never abandoned his method. In fact, when he became popularly
elsewhere on the African continent such as Controversies did not leave Deedat and his supporters
behind. One of his former students Advocate Yusuf Buckas, who emulated Deedat’s
dynamic style, split from the IPCI because of internal disagreements and
squabbles. The latter decided to form his own group and by 1986 put up a
training centre, Islamic Dawah College International. In addition, there have
been other conflicts caused by Deedat’s family members that led to the
restructuring of the IPCI and was, at one satge, under the directorship of Mr.
Fuad Hendricks, former Secretary – General of the Muslim Youth Movement of
South Africa. Since the beginning of 2003, a new executive was appointed; and
during June 2003 Dawood Ngwane, a lawyer, was voted in as IPCI ameer in June
2003. And its two active branches are in Deedat has left behind numerous booklets. Many of which had been translated into different languages. However, his video material proved more popular since they could see Deedat in action, and the manner in which he conducted his debates. It is purported that IPCI is one of the richest dawah movements in the Muslim world. Mention should be made of the fact that Mr. Vanker, who had resigned in 1982 because of ill health, was the other active member of IPC during the 1960s through to the 1980s. His style was markedly different from Deedat’s and he was viewed as a sober and intelligent debater; someone who wisely responded to issues pertaining to Christianity and other religious traditions. 3.1.2 Islamic Missionary Society, Islamic Dawah Movement and Africa Muslim Agency Vanker’s style was somewhat similar to the style adopted by
Mr. Mohammed Laher who formed the IMS in IDMSA started humbly in one of the township’s Islamic centre, namely Umlaas Marianhill Islamic Centre. Medical doctors Ebrahim Dada, Yusuf Osman, and Faizal Ahmad as well as the stalwart of Islamic mission, Yusuf Mohamedy started the IDMSA; all of theme were members of the MYMSA and felt the need to break away from the parent body and devote their time in dawah activities. Presently they are located all the major cities of South Africa and have done well for themselves; however, when the Africa Muslim Agency came onto the South African scene, some of its members joined it to pursue dawah in the region. AMA, directed by Faried Choonara who was a key member of
MYMSA in 3.1.3 Jamat al-Tabligh One movement that succeeded to criss-cross the borders of
the Southern African states and settle there because of its a-political agenda
was the Tabligh Jamat (hereafter TJ). This movement, which had its origins in However, from the very outset it was clearly understood that
the TJ had to steer clear and not concern itself with the politics of the
states it was entering, and that all its members’ efforts and focus should be
on the Muslim community. An important part of the TJ’s focus and concentration
was to force lapsed Muslims to implement the basic practices of Islam; in other
words, they must be reminded of performing the daily salat on time and
preferably in congregation. The performance of these prayers, they argued,
would lead to the improvement of the person’s personal qualities and increase
the person’s faith in God. In fact, the TJ laid a great deal of emphasis on
one’s faith in God and continuously reminded its followers of the necessity of
constantly increasing one’s faith through good actions. These actions however
can only come about via certain rituals instituted by the TJ. Amongst these are
the daily ‘kitab’ reading, going out on gush and seeking out the Muslim
residents of the area, using miswak to brush one’s teeth instead of the
toothbrush, donning an ‘Indian/Pakistani’ outfit, namely the kurta, that has
‘hosepipes’ which ends above the ankles, and having a long, clean beard. All
these activities and mannerisms, they averred, would help in keeping the person
on the spiritual path. And in addition to these, they were spurred on to go out
on a 40 day ‘tabligh’ excursion to different parts of the country or to other
parts of the world in order to spread the message amongst the Muslims and to
wake them up from their slumber, and remind them of what will take place if the
fundamental principles are neglected or ignored; in support of these, they
daily read to the members statements attributed to the prophet as a method of
putting ‘fear’ into the person’s heart. The rigid programme was instituted from
the inception of the TJ, and it was the programme TJ members faithfully
followed and practiced wherever the movement established itself. In Southern
Africa the TJ was established in the 1960s, flourished during the 1970s and
early 1980s, but seemed to have slackened its activities in the 1990s; for
example, after a long absence they came to During the time when it was quite active and widespread, it
had come under severe criticisms from various quarters particularly from the
emerging youth groups and educated elites. The latter, for example, critically
commented that there was no need that they be called to prayer because one
should know one’s duties and leave it to the individual’s conscience. They
emphasised as strong evidence that even though the TJ is concerned with
‘Allah’s work’ they neglect their duties towards their kith and kin
particularly when the male breadwinner goes on gush for 40 days; the families,
they insisted, needed their breadwinners to be around and spend quality time
with their spouse and children and, at the same time, to stabilize the
community and reinforce the Islamic values that the TJs are preaching. The TJs
also came under fire from a different quarter, namely the student groups. The
students came into conflict with one another at universities where the TJ and
the youth movements had infiltrated during the mid 1970s. In 1976, for example,
the The TJs long standing foes, however, were those who are
aligned to the Brelvi school, referred to as the Sunnis in southern Another group with which the TJ came into conflict was the
Muslim Youth Movement of South Africa; a movement described as centrists and
different from the leftists Muslim movements that had been established in
then1980s such as the Qibla Mass Movement and the Call of Islam[xxvii][27]. The
latter was supportive of the ANC and the former of the PAC before the
democratic election in 1994. These groups however did not spread far and wide;
they were confined to the urban areas and only in specific places. The MYMSA
however had been instrumental in establishing a host of organizations, which
had also been responsible for the formation of organizations in the
neighbouring states such as Despite the criticisms the TJ drew crowds of people to its
cause and in the process reformed many individuals who had been involved in
gangsterism and drugs. In fact, many of these individuals seem to have opted
for this movement because it suited their behaviour patterns; they were not at
any stage ostracised or looked down upon for what they had committed in the
past as might be the case in other movements. They also felt more secure with
the support the theologians had given the TJ. The conservative Deobandi
theologians fully supported the TJ’s conservative agenda. It is however
interesting that even though the theologians participated and supported the TJ,
none of them led the TJ in this region. The leading exponent was an elderly
Kwa-Zulu Natal gentleman, namely Bhai Padia who had won the hearts of many
followers in that part of 3.2 Sufi Tariqahs[xxviii][28] When comparing the TJ to the Sufi orders, it is immediately
striking that the latter is no new phenomenon. Sufi orders have existed for
many centuries in the Muslim heartlands and were exported to other communities.
In fact, these orders played a crucial and cohesive role in many of the
minority Muslim communities. In this section, an attempt will be made to describe the
development of some of the orders. In fact, during the last decade of the 20th
century there seem to have been a rapid increase in Sufi orders and many Muslim
individuals – young and old, male and female, have demonstrated an interest in
these movements. One major reason for this phenomenon is the desire for
spiritual guidance and support in this very competitive material world that is
in need of a spiritual injection. However, this trend has also led to a number
of leading Sufi shaykhs who considered Since it will be difficult to describe and discuss each and
every sufi order that has emerged during the past three decades, it may be
instructive just to mention them in brief at this juncture and then move on to treat
the more prominent ones in detail. From amongst the small and flourishing
tariqahs are the Maryamiyahs whose ideas are closely tied to the perennial
philosophers such as Schuon and Lings[xxx][30]. It was mentioned earlier that
Martin Lings has been visiting his group on regular basis in Other tariqahs that have found their way into the hearts of
some of the Cape Muslims and other South African cities, where the West African
refugees and migrants are located, are the Tijaniyyah and the Mouridiyyah
tariqahs; some of the new murids travelled to Senegal to be initiated by the
grand Shaykh, Imam Hassan Cisse, of the Tijaniyyah order and the South African
muqaddam at present is Shaykh Anwar Bayat[xxxi][31]. The Mouridiyyah that had
been formed by Shaykh Ahmad Bamba and his ardent Senegalese followers also
rooted itself in different parts of Further in this article descriptions will be given of some
of the more popular South African based sufi orders; a fair amount of
information will be extracted from their specific sites to show the diversity
of South African Sufism and their philosophies and practices. However, for a
more detailed and interesting study on earlier practices of Sufism at the 3.2.1 Past Personalities and their influences Prior to looking at the contemporary developments and few
lines should be dedicated to beginnings of Islam in Mentioned must however be made of two other important sufi figures, they were Badsha Peer (d.1894) and Sufi Saheb (d.1910). These individuals had a lasting impact not only the Durban Muslim community in particular but also on other parts of the region in general[xxxvii][37]. The latter has been an active philanthropist since his arrival in 1895; he built mosques, madrasas and khanqahs in different parts of the country and at the same time formed branches of his tariqah; a more detailed discussion follows below. 3.2.2 Contemporary Tariqahs The Tariqahs have grown at a tremendous rate in different
parts of 3.2.2.1 The Chistiyyah Tariqah This order which trekked via The Chisti Sabiree Jahangiri Silsila created a special website, namely www.sabiree.com, on the 27th July 2000 with the blessings of their Indian-based shaykh who is known as Pir-O-Murshid Sajjada Nasheen Hazrat Sayed Muhammad Shah Chisti Sabiree Jahangeer Kambalposh. The site was set up so that they may disseminate the teachings and information of their order. It included: (a) various sayings of the awliya, (b) saints of their order, (c) the tree of shaykhs, which appears in Urdu and accompanied by a transliteration (for those who know how to speak the language but cannot read it); an English version will be made available, (d) conversations of the Chisti shaykhs as recorded by their mureeds as well as (e) anecdotes about them, and (f) if one is a mureed then one is expected or rather encouraged to sign in and identify the shaykh to whom one is attached. The site also has a few wall papers or screen savers that one can download; amongst them are the photos of their pir and of the order’s centre. It has an online Sabiree Paighaam: The Sabiree Message newsletter that shares information about the wise thoughts of the Chisti shaykhs and also spread information about their monthly activities. The editorial committee also inserted their response to the ‘grave worshipping’ controversy that started during the latter part of 2000 and continued unabatedly into 2001 (see below); the article also appears in the Al-Qalam, the MYMSA monthly mouthpiece. Although the first issue of their newsletter appeared in July 2001, it is assumed that the other issues have been delayed due to technical hitches. The order also printed a booklet entitled Sama/Qawali in order to expose the reader/surfer to the role spiritual music in the order. The compiler(s) cautioned that although the qawali is not the sole objective of the order, it has a specific place within it and this is borne out by the list of recorded statements of those shaykhs in the order. And because of the acceptance of this practice, South African Indian Muslims have generally responded positively to this form of music as well as to the Qawali singers such as the Sabiree brothers who annually entertain them in the various South African cities. Amongst the variety of activities on a monthly basis and annually is what has been commonly referred to as the ‘Urs celebrations’ and the ‘salami.’ The latter has been a practice also shared by South African Muslims of ‘Malay’ origin[xxxviii][38]. The practice is solely concerned with the celebration of the birth of the prophet and the recitation of the ‘salawat (praises).’ It however differs from those who do not identify with the practice in the manner in which it is done; for example, when the ‘praises’ are brought the congregants in that specific gathering stand up to re-enact the way the nascent Medina community welcomed the prophet upon his arrival into the city of Yathrib. Basing themselves on this event, they argue that they are reminded of that by literally standing up. Whilst this has been considered an acceptable argument, the more fanatical followers have stated that when doing so, the prophet appears in their midst when reciting the ‘praises’ and therefore one should be mindful of his presence. This has of course led to numerous theological debates that have not been put to rest. This practice did not solicit as much opposition as was the
case with the ‘Urs Shareef’ activity. This involves a few interrelated
practices; the first is the commemoration of the tragic death of Imam Husayn at
Kerbala, and the second is the visiting of the graves of those viewed by them
as ‘awliya.’ When these graves are visited the disciple(s) usually bring along
a chador, flowers and scent to place it on the grave of the ‘awaliya;’ this
practice, according to them, is a sign of respect and distinction in that they
are different from the ordinary person. This practice was and is vehemently
condemned by those who oppose the sufi orders. As already indicated that this
is quite an old debate but was resurrected towards the end of 2000 by Shaykh
Faiek Gamieldien, a Apart from the CSJ branch, there is also the Chisti Habibi
Soofie Islamic order. This order has its headquarters in 3.2.2.2 The Murabitun: The Murabitun, compared to the other sufi groups, the
youngest order - besides the Muridiyyah order that were brought by the
Senegalese traders and visitors – to enter Southern Africa. Since their
entrance in the mid 1980s, they attracted adherents from all walks of life and
established themselves in the major cities. No information is found about the
South African branch on their (now non-fixed) website www.murabitun.org. The
movement is led by the notable and vibrant Shaykh Abdalqadir As-Sufi who was
known previously by many other appellations such as Ad-Darqawi etc. Whilst in This movement considers itself as a ‘post-modernist platform’ that responds to the concerns of the day by emphasising the basic Islamic beliefs and by totally rejecting the present day economic framework imposed upon the global society by the IMF and World Bank. And because of their firm stand against this framework, they have proposed practical alternatives. The shaykh of this order has been a prolific writer he has written numerous works amongst which the Roots of Islamic Education and The 100 Steps stand out as significant texts. In addition, some of his disciples have also been active in producing translations and texts on various aspects of Maliki theology and jurisprudents. One of the most contemporary translations of the Quran was produced by Aisha Bewly and Abdurahman Bewly, a wife and husband team. The fresh presentation has contributed to new insights into the Quranic verses; the translation has been circulation the South African book market but has not been able to eclipse the popular Yusuf Ali translation. Imam Malik’s famous and influential Al-Muwatta was also translated by Aisha at-Tarjumana as she was known before[xlv][45]. The movement in The murabitun has weekly meetings in which they recite the
special murabitun wird. They also emphasise the dhikr (invocation of Allah),
and fikr (reflections upon Allah) aspects. However, in tandem with these one
has to have himma (consciousness of Allah) to take one to the higher plains of
spirituality. They also allow the singing of the ‘qasidah burdah’ and other
related genres by groups such as Al-Rijal al-Burda from 3.2.2.3 Qadriyyah Tariqah The Qadriyyah order has been wide spread on the African
continent. A section of the Qadriyyah operated at the The The Academy has listed a number of objectives amongst which
are: the propagate and promote the teachings of the Ahl Sunni wa al-Jama’ah; to
promote the celebration of the maulud of the prophet and the urs of the awliya;
to adopt ways to improve the quality of life of Muslims locally and abroad; to
serve as a centre of learning and produce memorizers of the Quran; to formulate
and implement a simplified syllabus; to initiate schemes for Muslims; and offer
guidance to the Muslims. Since maulud is considered one of the most important
practices of this and other silsilas, the academy refuted the arguments
presented by the Majlus ul-Ulama of the Since the academy has been established along the lines of
the Brelvi school, it was also not free of criticisms. In fact, the
institution’s mentor Imam Ahmad Raza Khan was vehemently criticised for his
views in a lecture by Maulana Ibrahim Adam, a 3.2.2.4 Alawiyyah Tariqah The Alawiyyah order has been one of the more established
orders in The Zawiyyah, a mosque located in the heart of Greater Cape
Town not far from the city centre, has been an important centre of religious
activities. It is a centre where the maulud is one of the most significant
annual activities. During these activities the earlier mentioned ratibs are
regularly performed. At present the order is overseen by two brothers, namely
Sieraj and Ahmad. Both were graduates of Amongst their most important activities are the weekly
classes and sermons. For their classes and sermons they rely on the works of
scholars such as Imam Nawawi, Imam Al-Ghazali and Shaykh Al-Habib as-Sayyid
Abdullah ibn Alawial-Haddad. And they often recite the popular Barzanji qiyama
and du‘a. Both the shaykhs are active in translating texts of prominent figures
in the order and also write their own articles on issues pertaining to Islam.
They are very particular about their order and rely heavily upon the policies
set down by earlier shaykhs. And their devotion to the tariqah has culminated
in the translation of Shaykh Abdurahman Balfaqih’s fatwa that deals with ‘The
Way of the Bani Alawiyyah at-Tariqah al-‘Alawiyyah.’ This shaykh mentioned that
the Alawiyyah endorsed: the taking of the oath, the donning of the khirqah,
going into seclusion, doing spiritual excercises, adopting self-discipline and
closely bond with one’s shaykh. In their case, they are the murids of the
respected Shaykh Muhammad ibn al-‘Alawi al-Maliki who visited 3.2.2.5. Naqshbandi Tariqah: The Naqshbandi order in During April 1998 the five person delegation, representing
the Islamic Supreme Council of America, and led by Shaykh Hisham Kabbani – the
Caliph of the Naqsbandi-Haqqani order, came on a 12 day fact finding visit to On the 31st of October 2000, Shaykh Muhammad Nazim Adil
al-Haqqani and his caliph, Shaykh Kabbani, were attracted to 4. Comparative Evaluation: The paint-brush picture with extensive comments in some
cases of the different dawah movements and Sufi tariqahs in South(ern) In this section an attempt will be made to briefly compare and evaluate the dawah movements in particular the TJ with the Sufi tariqah. The comparative evaluation will touch on the question of leadership, the nature of scholarship, the types of rituals, the number of adherents and the issue of social change. 4.1 Leadership: In all the movements the question of leadership has been a crucial factor in leading and guiding the movement. There is definitely a distinct difference in the nature of leadership in the TJ and Sufi tariqah; whilst the latter give support to the notion of charismatic leadership and paying homage to the appointed leader, the TJ plays this down and shifts the focus to the other activities. However, the leader still acts in an important capacity that cannot be ignored. Although actual bay‘at is not performed in the TJ as is witnessed amongst the sufi traiqahs, allegiance and respect is shown to the amir of the TJ via the duties one performs for or on behalf of the TJ. The titles bestowed upon the leadership place them in a position of respect. The visit of Shaykh al-Haqqani and the manner in which his personality has been described by Shafiq Morton (2000) concretely demonstrated the respect accorded to the person and the attention he his given by his murshids, supporters and empathisers[lv][55]. It should also be added that whilst the question of
leadership in all of these movements play a significant and crucial role, the
position of the leader is also open to abuse. In a very scathing booklet
written by Sidi Othman from Whilst there was an overwhelming warm response amongst the
people whenever prominent personalities came to Southern Africa, there were
also those waiting in the wings to criticise and find fault with the
‘opposition’s’ ideas and rituals. This has happened on numerous occasions in 4.2. Scholarship Perhaps an area where there has been a glaring distinction
between Dawah movements and Sufi orders in The main argument being that the Sufi shaykhs’ writings concentrate mainly upon spiritual development. In other words, the Sufi shaykhs give clear guidance to their followers and those interested in their method of how to become spiritually imbued and conscious; the texts of the dawah movements at no stage discuss spiritual development as a key ingredient in the spreading of Islamic mission. The works of the Sufi shaykhs are generally influential and are profusely used by the educated and non-educated. One of the leading Sufi khalifas in South Africa is Dr. Yusuf Da Costa; this former high school principal and university academic might not have written any specific Sufi text to date, he has however been advocating the reading of works of his shaykhs as well as those of the sufi order that he currently leads. Moreover, he has been regularly using the local radio stations as a means to publicise his opinions and views of the sufi order. These weekly broadcasts have become popular and have drawn a wide interest from a variety of listeners. The popularity of Sufi shaykhs such as Dr. Da Costa has outstripped the work of the dawah movements who have not been using the media effectively. Other individuals who are not necessarily Sufi shaykhs but prominent murids such as Shaykh Sieraj and Shaykh Ahmad have also made use of the radio stations as a way of disseminating the ideas of the ‘Alawiyyah order[lvi][56]. In addition, they have also publicised their thoughts via intermittent publications and on their online site. Both of them have been writing and delivering lectures and have been openly punting the Sufi path; they have been occupied with the translation of some of the key texts of the order. And as a result of their input, they have attracted the attention of number of adherents. Mentioned may also be made of Abu Bakr Karolia’s online contributions such as ‘A New Universal Strategy for the Ummah’, which - along with a few other related articles – written since 2001 reflect upon the Sufi path. 4.3 Adherents If one compares the TJ to all the sufi tariqahs put together, one might wish to argue that they have an equal number of adherents and sympathisers. This is evident when one observes their annual and monthly gatherings. Since the TJ usually has its annual ‘ijtima,’ it attracts, at least, 5 to 10 thousand persons over a weekend; this is indeed a big crowd of participants. Although the sufi tariqahs do not have their activities over a long weekend as is the case with the TJs, similar numbers do attend the urs or the milad celebrations annually. And when surveying the mosques that are controlled by the respective groups, one might find that almost an equal number is shared; this again explains that there is no out-right majority or minority groupings in them both. This issue, however, remains a point of debate and will only be resolved until demographic surveys are undertaken to substantiate the arguments for or against. It may moreover be added that the adherents are generally devoted to the cause and thus try to follow the guidelines as faithfully as possible. And it is not easy to compare whether the TJ follower is more or less faithful than the one who follows the sufi order. Here again it’s a matter of conjecture, assessment, interpretation and observation; all of which are problematic. Since there are no spiritual barometers one cannot exactly point out the spiritual level of the adherents and thus cannot reach conclusive results. One may only surmise that spiritual activities have been on the increase because of influence of the Muslim community radio stations; however, whether this spiritual level can be maintained and sustained is another moot point and difficult to answer. In any case, sizeable numbers attend the obligatory prayers and many more participate in the TJ and sufi circles which can be used as a barometer to measure the increase or decrease of the number of persons who participate regularly in the respective rituals. 4.4 Rituals: The rituals, it is well known, differ from one group to the
other; and in the case of the two respective movements, there are specific
rituals outlined for both. And even amongst the Sufi orders each group have
their specific rituals to perform. And its also unlikely that members of the TJ
would accept all the practices implemented by the Sufi tariqahs. For example,
the celebration of the birth of the prophet is generally not wholeheartedly
approved by the salafi/wahabi schools. Members of the TJ staunchly stick to the
rules set down by their leadership and do not attempt to deviate. In the However, the theologians, who side with the TJ, have written numerous articles and books to prove the invalidity of such celebrations. In fact, theologians belonging to the Majlis ul-Ulama of South Africa, which is confined to Port Elizabeth and surrounding areas, have ventured to translate texts such as Irshaadul Mulook (1998) and Mashaikh –e-Chist (1998) as an indirect measure of countering the Sufi tariqahs; in this case the Chistiyyah tariqah[lvii][57]. These theologians have been vigilant in their criticisms of those who visit the graves of those perceived as awliya. The Gamieldien 2000-2001 controversy is a case in point. This led to heated debates in the media and in public. For example, the latter was challenged to come to an open debate organized by the Sufi tariqah. He decided not to pitch and the debate continued in his absence; the video recording captured the debate without the shaykh being there; in fact, an empty chair where the shaykh was supposed to have sat to make his input was the focus of the camera. These and other events are signs reflecting the attitude adopted by salafi/wahabi groups who have rejected these practices. It, however, also demonstrated to what extent the sufi tariqah adherents have taken these practices to heart and have emphasised their indulgence as an important act to become more spiritually enhanced or charged. 4.5 Social Change Via the rituals implemented and practiced by the different movements, one is able to gauge their impact upon the society. It is therefore quite evident that the emergence and growth of each of these movements and tariqahs have led to some form of transformation. When the TJ slowly penetrated the Muslim community at the Cape, those who became members and adherents slowly changed their patterns of behaviour and not only adopted the dress code set down by the movement but also implemented certain eating habits all of which, they argue, have been practiced by the prophet (s). Although similar changes have been observed when the Sufi tariqah were making inroads into different communities, these have however been less visible in terms of dress codes but more prominent in terms of the practices. Moreover, they have not only affected the behaviour of the individuals in a dramatic way but also the nature of the activities. It is indeed heartening to see that most of the sufi orders have ploughed their efforts into doing social welfare work; an act that had previously been demonstrated by individuals such as Sufi Saheb at the turn of the 20th century. Some of the orders have thus set up feeding schemes and self-help projects as a way of showing that Sufism does not mean isolationism but full participation is social activities without making a fuss of the practices and purpose of the order. The perception has generally been that the Sufi tariqahs do not involve themselves in community affairs; armchair critics were forced to change their perceptions because of the meaningful contributions that are being made by the different orders. Social changes have thus been observed in different parts of the region and many of these have been attributed to the orders active in those areas. 5. Conclusion: All the movements that have been established or re-emerged over the past few years have embarked upon spiritual programmes. They have entered to create spiritual space for themselves and vied with one another to attract as many adherents to their particular movements. In the process they were unconsciously competing with one another for individuals to enjoy their specific spiritual pathways. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- http://tablighijamaat.wordpress.com/2009/04/23/the-dawah-movements-and-sufi-tariqat/ |
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